I was in Edinburgh today, speaking at the launch of the New Local Democracy for Scotland Declaration.
Building a Local Scotland is a group of academics, trade unionists, former council leaders, and journalists who have launched a campaign to tackle the creeping centralisation that has left Scotland as one of the least locally governed countries in the world. You can read more on our website: https://buildlocal.scot.
In my contribution today, I argue that while the Scottish Parliament has brought democracy closer to Scotland, it hasn’t created the promised local democracy for our communities. Instead, we still have some of the largest basic council units in the world, and public services have been centralised.
Despite initiatives between COSLA and the Scottish Government, several commissions and numerous reports, we are no closer to achieving the principle of subsidiarity. In practice, powers have been stripped from councils and services such as police, fire, further education, and water have been centralised. Three-quarters of public spending is directed by Scottish Ministers, including around £23 billion spent by unelected quangos.
I have been involved with most of those initiatives. The Commission on Strengthening Local Democracy (2014) is a good starting point for understanding why local democracy matters. I was an expert advisor to the Christie Commission, which recommended, ‘A first key objective of reform should be to ensure that our public services are built around people and communities.’
The Jimmy Reid Foundation has published several reports on this issue. In Building Stronger Communities (2020), I argued that the starting point is subsidiarity, building integrated public services from the bottom up and sharing where appropriate. The role of central government should be to set the strategic direction based on outcomes – rather than trying to direct services from Edinburgh. In a paper published last week, Building the Local Economy, we highlight the impact of centralisation on the local economy.
However, a country the size of Scotland cannot justify duplication and difference for its own sake. Therefore, we need public service frameworks that allow local services to focus on what matters to achieve positive outcomes. Even where decentralisation is not viable, services should still be required to cooperate locally more effectively than currently.
It sometimes feels that the only discussion around local government comes from those advocating directly elected mayors or provosts. These top-down initiatives have yet to produce a strong sense of local empowerment. Instead, they centralise power in a single individual, which could lead to unaccountable, authoritarian leadership.
There will be trade union and workforce concerns over creating a larger number of councils and other public bodies, along with cost concerns over duplication. This is where national frameworks are essential. Local decision-making should be focused on what’s important to communities, such as service design that reflects local needs. We do not need a hundred-plus procedures, different terms and conditions, contract documents, etc. Neither do we need a bureaucratic infrastructure of senior managers. This is an opportunity to explore the concept of a single public service worker on standard terms and conditions with joint introductory training for all jobs – both envisioned by the Christie Commission.
In an era dominated by austerity economics, local services continue to face the brunt of budget cuts. Successive administrations have ducked the reform of local government finance despite credible proposals in the Burt Report (2006) and The Commission on Local Tax Reform (2015). The Council Tax accounts for less than 20% of council expenditure. In European countries, the equivalent councils have between 50% and 60% of income raised locally. Local election turnout is generally significantly higher in countries with greater devolved taxation. Smaller councils on the European model also enable local people to engage with local democracy. The many initiatives to improve citizen engagement and participatory practices in Scotland have failed to engage working people because they haven’t put real power in the hands of recognisable communities.
I view the Declaration as a starting point for a new conversation about genuine local democracy in Scotland and how we deliver public services. We must put right the forgotten aim of devolution - to disperse power not just from Westminster to Holyrood but onwards to communities. A comprehensive reform plan built up from communities not imposed from the centre. If you agree, please sign the declaration.