Reflections on a worthwhile career

This month I retire from my job at UNISON Scotland. I have worked for UNISON and its predecessors for almost 38 years, and a lay official for 4 years before that. The memoirs might be a retirement project, but I thought I would share some reflections on what I believe has been a worthwhile career.

The right-wing press, and occasionally those in the movement, like to portray trade unions as dinosaurs, resistant to change, or the 1970’s carthorse. They usually mean resistant to cutting pay and conditions to profit bad employers, which we certainly are! However, it is probably true that, internally at least, trade unions change slowly – but change they have.

I joined NALGO on my induction into local government and as it was a new workplace, the organiser got us to elect a ‘workplace representative’ in NALGO parlance. As a Labour Party CLP Secretary, my colleagues viewed me as the obvious choice, although I am not sure the branch officer viewed matters in that light! The last branch secretary was also the Establishment Officer (HR Director) and I suspect many in the branch still agreed with the views of the first NALGO General Secretary, who in 1910 said, “Anything savouring of trade unionism is nausea to the local government officer and his Association”.  

I went on to become Assistant Branch Secretary and an early case involved a woman in the Chief Executive’s Department who was passed over for promotion in favour of a junior and far less experience male colleague. He was a member of the council’s masonic lodge and days later the Staff Side Secretary popped into my office to enquire how I was getting on, ‘Not much in that case Dave?” he asked. 

Lunchtime drinking was something I struggled with coming from a sports centre job and reflected a mostly male culture. NALGO’s membership newspaper when I joined, ‘Public Service’, had a regular feature (often on page 3) called ‘The prettiest young recruit’. I kid you not, even for the 1970’s. 

So, the modern trade union movement might not be perfect, but it has changed, not least in its more diverse workforce and modern systems. As the teams I manage have poured over KPI’s, the balanced scorecard and Gant charts, it is literally a world apart. 

The campaigns we run, the way we organise and bargain have also changed. Sometimes by necessity, but also from invention. We learn from every generation that has joined our ranks.

What makes this job really worthwhile is making a difference to people’s lives, in the same way as most UNISON members in public services do every day they go to work. I was once asked at a school presentation, what was your proudest achievement? My immediate thoughts turned to pay deals, avoiding redundancies, pension schemes, legislation and much besides. 

While these are huge and helped thousands of members, it is always the individuals that you remember. I represented a young clerical worker early in my career, who had been sacked. Years later she saw an article I had written in a local government journal and rang up to ask if I was the same Dave Watson who saved her job. I asked her what she was doing now and she was the Assistant Chief Executive of another council. Apparently, at every induction course, she told the story of how her career would have ended at 18 years of age had it not been for a union official finding grounds to give her a second chance. And as she told every new member of staff, ‘That’s why you should join the union’. 

I once told that story to a headhunter who was offering me a job as a management consultant. The job involved selling and then implementing their latest management fad, before starting the whole process all over again. It paid almost double my union salary and he couldn’t understand why making a difference mattered that much. He thought I was just negotiating a bigger package. He finished by saying he hadn’t met many people like me. My response was that he should spend more time in our movement, where every day thousands of staff and activists go that extra mile because they know they make a difference to workers lives.

I sometimes joke that I should have been a history professor. But the truth is, while an interesting hobby makes anyone a more rounded person, I doubt I if I could look back with the same sense of achievement. 

I have most certainly not always got it right. It is also a job with often long and unsocial hours that has placed a strain on my personal relationships. None the less, our movement is full of great people, doing amazing things and I hope I have played a small part in that story. 

My advice to those students starting out in life, is to choose a career where you can make a difference. I have had that privilege – so can you.

Taking the high road to better work

The Scottish Government can support good quality employment by ‘blocking the low-road’ for employers and ‘paving the high-road’ towards an empowered and healthy workforce.

That’s the conclusion of the Scottish Parliament’s Economy Committee in its report into the quality of work in Scotland; “Taking the High Road - Work, Wages and Wellbeing in the Scottish Labour Market.”

The Committee concluded that workers across Scotland are entitled to good quality employment. This should offer workers, as standard:

regular and sufficient pay which allows for a decent standard of living;

secure employment;

safe working conditions;

working hours known and mutually agreed in advance of shifts;

a culture of mutual respect;

training opportunities and routes for advancement; and,

employee engagement in company/organisational decisions.

Underpinning all of their recommendations is the need for the Scottish Government, employers and trade unions to work together to drive up employment standards and eliminate bad practice. 

That starts with a commitment to ‘blocking the low-road’ for employers and ‘paving the high-road’ towards an empowered and healthy workforce. At the heart of this should be a firm commitment towards employee engagement and encouraging the strong management and leadership skills needed to involve the workforce in improving its own wellbeing. They expect the Scottish Government to embed these aims in all of the employment and business support programmes it funds.

The ‘High Road - Low Road’ concept comes from the evidence of Professor Chris Warhurst, who detailed the difference between high-road economies focused on high-skills, and low-road economies focused on low-skills and low wages. He explained:

“It is possible to prevent people from moving down from the high road to the low road, but the key question for the UK is how we move from the low road to the high road. There are two ways of thinking about doing that. One is to block off the low road ... The other is to pave the high road … in order to encourage companies to go down it.”

The report references a number of UNISON initiatives including the Ethical Care Charter. A point made sharply yesterday with the data released by Gordon Aikman on those dying while they wait for care packages.

The Scottish Social Services Council (SSSC) also highlighted the impact low paying work can have on service users and patients who relied on continuity of care, they said: “Low pay can exacerbate staff turnover issues and ultimately affect the ability to provide continuity of care. A continuous caring relationship with an identified professional can be particularly important in many instances. For example, it can be vital when supporting an individual with dementia.”

Employers organisations like the Coalition of Care and Support Providers in Scotland (CCSPS) estimated that recruitment costs in the care sector amount to £3,500 for each new worker and that the sector suffers relatively high staff turnover rates. This was confirmed by the UK Home Care Association who said there is an average staff turnover rate of 38%. 

Another long standing UNISON concern has been the impact of work on mental health in the workplace. The Committee was concerned to see the mounting body of evidence demonstrating the link between low quality work and negative health outcomes. They urged the HSE, government and councils to explore how the monitoring and reporting of mental health impacts in the workplace could be made more effective.

The Committee also recognised the damaging impact the Trade Union Bill could have quality employment and in particular employee engagement. They said: “We believe that any further restriction on trade unions in fulfilling their longstanding roles, such as contained within the Trade Union Bill, would be damaging”.

This report is a useful analysis of quality employment that recognises the problem of definition and poor Scottish labour market data. However, they resisted the temptation simply to call for more research. Instead, they set out a roadmap towards better employment standards. This should inform the work of the Fair Work Convention and UNISON Scotland submitted its ideas to that body this month. There is a broad consensus on the way forward; the next stage is to turn that into action.

Why the Presiding Officer is wrong on the anti-Union Bill and what Parliament should do about it

At last night’s STUC event in Glasgow, a packed Concert hall heard just why Scotland overwhelmingly opposes the Anti-Union Bill. It showcased all that is great about our movement. From the community justice campaigns highlighted by Aamer Anwar, to the work of young trade unionists in the Better than Zero campaign - tackling the bad bosses who exploit young workers.

It also showed the breadth of political opposition, with Chris Stephens MP and Nicola Sturgeon setting out the SNP’s opposition to the Bill at Westminster and Holyrood. Followed by Jenny Marra MSP for Scottish Labour and, of course, the finale with Jeremy Corbyn. This was classic Corbyn. Reminding us of us of the movement’s history, while raising our eyes to what a different future could look like – Jez We Certainly Can!

Sadly, in the cold light of a dreich day we have the Scottish Parliament’s Presiding officer, raining on the campaign with her letter ruling that a Legislative Consent Motion (LCM) opposing the Bill is not a competent motion.

The LCM is an important part of the campaign in Scotland because it puts the Scottish Parliament into the legislative process. Amendments at Westminster are fine, as are proposals to devolve employment law. However, the timing and the parliamentary arithmetic are against us. With that strategy we are pleading with the Tories – with an LCM we are negotiating with the full political backing of Scotland’s parliament. It is also a more effective contribution to the UK wide campaign against the Bill because it could force the UK Government to amend its provisions.

Another Presiding Officer might have recognised the mood of parliament and used some imagination. George Reid come back, all is forgiven! The clerks have churned out typically conservative advice. They have been blinded by the Bill’s amendment of TULRCA, an Act that is specifically reserved to Westminster in the Scotland Act 1998. This was a deliberate Tory strategy, in part to obviate the need for an LCM they knew they would never get. The Trade Union Bill’s provisions create whole new clauses that didn’t have to go into TULRCA.

Just because that is where they chose to put it doesn’t make it a reserved matter. If the Tories placed new duties on NHS Scotland in a defence bill, it wouldn’t make it a reserved matter. The weakest part of the Presiding Officer’s letter is the claim that the Bill doesn’t impact on Scottish Ministers executive competence. As UK ministers have admitted, this Bill provides for ministers running English departments, like health and local government, to be able to direct the work of Scottish councils and health boards. There can be no clearer example of why at least parts of the Trade Union Bill are clearly devolved.

So, what should Parliament do next? If the Scottish Parliament’s Standing orders are the problem – they should be amended.

One option is to amend Rule 3.1 to give Parliament, say on a two-thirds

majority, the power to challenge a ruling of the Presiding Officer on a motion. There is nothing in s19 or s22 or Schedule 3 of the Scotland Act 1998 that debars this. This is the normal approach in most standing orders and the Scottish Parliament is only following the Westminster procedure in this instant.

  

In the alternative, parliament could amend the Standing Orders to allow Scottish Ministers (or an MSP) to table an LCM in circumstances where they believed one of the tests of a relevant bill has been met. It would then be for parliament, not the Presiding Officer, to agree or otherwise that the tests for an LCM have been met.

There are wider reasons for doing this than simply the Trade Union Bill. The current Standing Orders were drafted in the expectation that the UK government would abide by the spirit and the letter of the Sewell convention - in cases like this that they would initiate an LCM.

This is the first majority Tory government since devolution and they are not playing by the unwritten rules of a parliamentary convention. The Devolution Practice Note says that the UK government should consult where legislation has implications, not just actual legislative competence, and they didn’t. This demonstrates their bad faith. In these circumstances the Scottish Parliament has to have a mechanism for challenging the UK government’s bad behaviour.

Another concern for Parliament should be a conflict of laws. The Trade Union Bill places the Scottish Government and public bodies across Scotland in a potential breach of the Human Rights Act because the Scotland Act requires devolved compliance with that Act’s provisions. Parliament needs a mechanism to raise these matters with Westminster.

As last night’s event demonstrated, there is a great broad based campaign against the Anti-Union Bill in Scotland - in the same way that we opposed the Poll Tax and other measures that challenge our sense of fairness. We must not allow a quirk of parliamentary procedure to stop our Parliament from challenging the legislative competence of the Bill where it impinges on devolved matters.

Jez and others reminded us last night of our history – the scribbling of clerks would not have stopped the giants of our movement. We don’t want another debate – we want our MSPs to take decisive action. Don’t let us down!

Taking the Trade Union Bill into the Scottish Parliament

We took the Trade Union Bill campaign to the Scottish Parliament today. Scottish Labour used their time to ensure that MSPs had an opportunity to debate this legislation.

UNISON General Secretary Dave Prentis told MPs scrutinising the legislation at Westminster that these draconian proposals are ‘a major attack on workers’ rights in this country’ and ‘a negation of democracy’. Today was an opportunity for Scotland's politicians to show that there is no mandate for this legislation in Scotland and they didn't disappoint. Almost all MSPs attacked the Bill in the clearest possible terms.

Today's debate should have been on a Legislative Consent Motion (LCM). Unsurprisingly, the UK Government's delegated powers memorandum says the Bill is reserved and therefore no Legislative Consent Motion is required. However, the provisions on facility time and DOCAS are clearly about public administration which is devolved. This is reinforced by the policy justification which focuses on public spending and the fact that these provisions only apply to the public sector. As the UK minister has confirmed, Ministers running English departments will be able to direct public bodies in Scotland on facility time. This is without doubt the most serious breach of the devolution settlement since 1999.

Kez Dugdale led on the LCM point from the outset and the Welsh Government made similar arguments. There was welcome support for this position in today's debate from Scottish Ministers. Roseanna Cunningham outlined four grounds on which a LCM could be based.

At Westminster yesterday during the Scotland Bill debate, Shadow Scotland Secretary, Ian Murray asked if, in the current context, the Government “would require a legislative consent motion for the Trade Union Bill?” David Mundell responded by stating that the nature of any legislative consent motion required is determined as the Trade Union Bill is finalised. That's an interesting answer, even if not consistent with the Memorandum of Understanding, depending on how you define 'finalised'.

Today's debate reflected the context of Scottish industrial relations. As the recent 'Working Together' review showed, there is a distinctly different industrial relations culture in Scotland and this is being taken forward in the Fair Work Convention. This is particularly the case in the public sector - the target of this UK legislation. That's why Scottish public opinion is against the Bill, reflecting UK wide public opinion that this is a solution to a problem that doesn't exist.

Tory MSPs Murdo Fraser and Gavin Brown looked lonely figures on the Tory benches during today's debate - 'agency staff' as Neil Findlay quipped. In fairness, their contributions reflected Ruth Davidson's constructive blog post about trade unions on Conservative Home, which interestingly made no mention of the Trade Union Bill. Sometimes it's more interesting to note what politicians don't say! Murdo Fraser has himself written constructively on trade union issues. The problem for the Scottish Conservatives is that the UK minister driving this bill uses very different language.

Today's debate was an important opportunity for MSP's to take a stand against the Trade Union Bill and we are pleased with the cross party support for the campaign. It's now important that we build on this support by forcing the UK government into legislative consent and then build resistance to this pernicious legislation.

 

Work, employment, skills and training - where next for Scotland?

Labour market issues have been given very little attention in the independence debate. So today's launch of an ESRC funded research report on 'Work, Employment, Skills and Training: Where Next for Scotland?' is very welcome.

I was interviewed along with 67 other stakeholders as part of the research, so I was particularly interested in the report's findings. The complexity of the issue is illustrated by the multi-level governance with the EU, UK and Scottish Government all having a role, or in some cases shared responsibility. Given the shocking levels of productivity in the UK, it is surprising that skills utilisation in particular has not been given more attention.

Education, training and skills is probably the field least impacted by independence, because most is already devolved and Scotland has a very different system from the rest of the UK and England in particular. Professor Ewart Keep highlighted the structural focus on youth unemployment in Scotland, while in England there is little more than hand wringing. Advice and guidance services have collapsed in England, although I would argue they have been devalued in Scotland with too greater reliance on web based services. College regionalisation has come with significant cuts and it is too soon to judge its efficacy. The research also showed something of a disconnect on workforce development, particularly in 'unsexy' sectors like retail and social care. What the Scottish approach does provide is an ability to think collectively, rather than everything being left to the vagaries of the market.

Welfare to work and employability has similar challenges to the rest of the UK, with the concentration of disadvantage in geographical areas and amongst young people. While there was some support for the principles of welfare reform, the impact was actually adding to the barriers to getting people into work - not just getting them off benefits. The pressure is simply handed down to local services. There was a clear consensus in Scotland that there are problems at the bottom end of the labour market that will not be solved with benefit sanctions.

The research highlighted the importance of linking employability and health, strengthening employer engagement and more evidence of what works. There is a need to join up fragmented UK and Scottish provision and labour markets - a strong argument in my view for devolving many of these services. Not just to Holyrood, but also down to local level - recognising the risk of fragmentation of service and the loss of economy of scale. There is also a debate about how to incentivise employers either through the tax system or regulation.

On employment and the workplace, the report sets out the challenges including low pay, gender segregation and economic growth. The strength of the report is the focus on creating good jobs through job quality and design - with an understanding that employees are a source of innovation. There may be less clarity about how to make this happen, but options include using government as an exemplar and the use of procurement.

There is limited capacity in HR and organisational development and a less than cohesive employer voice, essential if the proposed social partnership model is to work effectively. Employer concerns about greater regulation and partnership in the research were more pragmatic than ideological. However, the White Paper model also requires a different model of capitalism in Scotland and there is little indication that the Scottish Government is ready for that radical journey. While there may be insufficient action on these issues in Scotland, none of this has even reached the UK government agenda! The research found that debates on the workforce in Scotland occupy a very different ideological space.

One conclusion is that whatever the outcome of the vote, much of the Scottish direction of travel is already fixed and unlikely to change. As the report says, “the new model is now on the table”, even if the detailed road map is missing. The Mather Commission may fill in some of the gaps.  It therefore remains open to debate if the proposals in the White Paper or greater devolution will remove the remaining barriers to progressive change.

The full report will be on the Future of the UK and Scotland website soon.

Union premium - Stronger in UNISON

The latest figures on pay show that the the union premium, the gap between average wages of union and non-union members, has grown to 18.1%. That's £14.18 per hour compared with £12.01. Even the 'adjusted premium' is around 8% higher.  That's the biggest percentage gap since 2008, showing that even in a recession unions are more successful in halting the downward pressure on wages. Increases in pay have mostly been in the private sector due to government pay policy, but the public sector premium remains higher. There is also a union premium for other terms and conditions including holidays and pensions.

Despite 30,000 public sector job losses in Scotland, UNISON membership has remained pretty stable. Achieved because more existing staff are recognising the importance of union membership in difficult times. When times are tough it is more important than ever to to have the backup of a strong union.

It is however important that we take this message to all our workplaces. So UNISON branches and staff will be targeting specific workplaces over the next few months. In support of this effort my team have developed a range of adverts and campaign materials as a backdrop to what we call the 'Stronger in UNISON' campaign. So expect to see buses, taxis and billboards with these materials on them across Scotland. You can see some examples here.

Fairness in Employment?

The Prime Minister is making a big play of his 'fairness' agenda at present. So let's see how far his concept of fairness stretches into employment rights.

The first major attack, to be implemented this April, is on the Employment Tribunal system. The qualifying period for unfair dismissal is to be lengthened from one year to two. The next proposal is to charge workers to access Employment Tribunals as much as £1,250 for a full hearing, more if the claim exceeds £30,000. There are also a number of procedural changes proposed including new Pre-Claim Conciliation arrangements, wider powers for Employment Judges to strike out claims, higher cost orders and reducing the role of lay Tribunal members.

Other attacks on employment rights include:

• Taking away legal advice safeguards in compromise agreements
• A 'Rapid Resolution Scheme' for straightforward claims
• Introduction of 'protected conversations' - a licence to bully employees.
• A 'compensated no-fault' dismissal scheme for smaller firms together with wider reforms to make it easier to dismiss by reducing procedural safeguards.
• Reducing the consultation period on collective redundancies and weakening consultation rights, particularly for trade unions.
• Similar proposals to weaken TUPE provisions.

The UK Government also consulted on family-friendly rights earlier last year. That proposed a range of changes, in fairness several positive, to extend the right to request flexible working, parental leave for fathers to attend antenatal appointments, carry over and buying out annual leave and powers for ETs to order pay equality audits in limited circumstances. However, we are still awaiting a government response and the suspicion is that these modest changes will be spun to sweeten the major attacks on workers rights.

Pension auto-enrolment was supposed to start this year, but the government has announced a delay for employers with fewer than 3,000 employees. The gradual increase in employer pension contributions is also to be delayed. These measures are aimed at creating a pensions saving culture for those workers excluded from schemes by employers who are happy to have the taxpayer subsidise their responsibilities. While at the same time the same bosses boost their own massive pensions.

I have commented earlier on changes to health and safety law. Barely a day goes by without a report of an industrial accident or illness, often with tragic consequences. Grayrigg and this week's cruise ship disaster should remind us that health and safety is probably the most important protection workers and their families have. We did not vote to die at work.

While some of the proposals are presented as simplifying the system, in reality they mostly have the aim of reducing workers rights, making it easier for unscrupulous employers to sack staff. As always it will be low paid workers who suffer most, primarily through charging for access to justice. The government's arguments about rising claims and cost simply don't stack up. If you strip out the multiple equal pay cases the number of ET applications are falling. Far from inhibiting new businesses the UK already has some of the weakest employment legislation in the world. A World Bank study confirmed that the UK is the third easiest place to start and run a company after Hong Kong and New Zealand.  The Chair of the Independent Tribunals council said the suggested ET changes would "bring little benefit to employers or to the tribunal system while having a disproportionate and chilling effect on employees."

Many will rightly see these attacks as a return to the Thatcher era. A key feature of that period was the increasing reliance on EU employment standards. There are a wide range of employment law proposals at various stages of the EU legislative process. They include revisions to the Working Time and Posted Workers Directives, pensions, migrant workers rights, pregnant workers, equal pay and carers leave. Given the current political balance in the EU it may be difficult to make progress on many of these. However, EU law may again be an important safeguard for British workers. 
There may also be unforeseen consequences. Cutting unfair dismissal rights may mean a switch to claims based on other rights that don't have a qualifying period. These claims are often more complex and time consuming for tribunals. An increase in cases to the civil courts is also a possibility. It could also lead to a change in approach from trade unions. If there is no effective legal redress then industrial action becomes the only alternative. Some of us can remember the days when disputes around unfair dismissal were much more common than today. Even in unorganised workplaces, the absence of lawful solutions can lead to other forms of protest. 

The government also fails to see the obvious economic consequences. Insecure workers do not take out mortgages or make larger purchases. This drives down demand exacerbating the already serious consequences austerity measures are having on growth. As Brendan Barber pointed out good employers have little to fear from tribunal claims; "if firms treated their staff fairly, few would ever find themselves taken to court." This is another consequence of the attack on workers rights. It creates a race to the bottom were the bad employers drag the good ones down to the sewer.

Underlying this issue is a debate on the sort of UK we want to live in. Do we want the UK to become a low wage, insecure place to work? Driving down living standards for the many, while  the rich and powerful exploit a compliant workforce. If that's Cameron's definition of 'fairness', he can keep it.

May Day

The May Day celebrations in Glasgow got a real boost this year with a range of events running up to the traditional march and rally. Theatre, comedy and music all featured in a packed, and well supported, programme.

Today's march was one of the best attended for many a year, aided by the great weather that made us wish we were marching to the Green. Until you recalled the wetter years!

Great turnout by UNISON branches in the city. Particularly the revitalised Strathclyde Police and Fire branch (see below). Great family day out with a serious political point as well.

Mobilise 2010

UNISON Scotland ran a different type of training event last weekend. Mobilise 2010 was a campaign skills festival.

Instead of a conventional campaign skills course the weekend included a wide range of skills workshops and participants could choose which modules to attend. They included conventional training on media skills, campaign organisation, lobbying etc to highly participative sessions on public speaking, political song and the use of film. The evening's brought together some of the skills into a social setting.

Over a 100 activists and staff attended and the feedback was very positive. To get a flavour of the activities you can view films and photies on the Mobilise 2010 Facebook page.

Full marks to those who chose to spend Saturday morning with me learning about public finance. Not the most exciting way to spend your weekend! The photie above is of the afternoon session on lobbying decision makers. Thanks to Pauline McNeil MSP for helping me out with this session.

Political Education

I spent Sunday morning doing a couple of sessions at our new pilot course on trade unions and politics. The course was well received by the participants, who assisted with a detailed evaluation.

The course was oversubscribed, which is in itself a good indication that there is a growing understanding that politics matters. Converting an interest in politics into practical political activity is yet another challenge. Although with the Labour Party recruiting nearly 30,000 new members since the election, maybe there is some progress here as well.

Those of us brought up in a political environment often take it for granted that others understand politics, particularly in the trade union movement. However, when you talk to members and activists, it's obvious that we need to do very much more to educate members, to enable them to make a greater contribution to political debate. We are therefore looking at how we can include shorter versions of this course into other training, or deliver a shortened version at local level.

This type of training, together with our communications, can help develop a better understanding of the impact politics has on our members jobs. It can also raise awareness of how trade unions can influence the political process and build greater member engagement with our campaigns.

Chris Bartter

We held a leaving presentation for UNISON Scotland's retiring Communications Officer, Chris Bartter yesterday.

Chris is a well known face, not just in UNISON, but across Scotland in the media and public affairs world. He has worked for UNISON for 21 years and before that was a leading activist in one of UNISON's partner unions.

Union communications have come a long way since Chris started work with us. In those days there was a nervousness about communicating with members, let alone with the wider world. Today we have a range of journals, web sites and bulletins using every available media. Not to mention a high media profile. Chris has been a key driver in delivering these changes and he will be sorely missed.

However, not entirely lost to the movement as comrades with Chris's principles and values will always be there to fight the corner of those who need us most.

Glasgow demo

Great day today. Marching through Glasgow in glorious sunshine with thousands of UNISON members to defend our public services.


UNISON President Gerry Gallagher summed up our case at the rally in Kelvingrove Park when he said; "Our members didn't cause the crash, and neither did the people we serve every day in communities across Scotland".


Our members coming together like this is what trade union solidarity is all about. We may not have the resources of the business funded campaigns to slash public services - but we have real people. And when they come together at events like this, they are more powerful than the slickest video or media stunt.

Recruitment

I led a meeting yesterday with my Greater Glasgow Organising Team responsible for supporting 18 UNISON branches that represent over 50,000 members in the Glasgow area. We were reviewing progress with our 2009 plan and developing new plans for the coming year.


Members are of course the lifeblood of any trade union and therefore recruitment is essential to building a strong and effective trade union. These are difficult times for the public sector with, as yesterdays staffing watch figures show, reducing numbers of public service workers in Scotland. Despite this context UNISON membership in the Glasgow area grew by 3.3% last year. A tremendous effort by everyone involved. Particular credit goes to the NHS Glasgow and Clyde Branch that led the way with a 9% membership increase. This is our largest UNISON branch in Scotland and we introduced a new organising model there a year ago that has delivered an effective partnership between staff and lay activists. We have now rolled out that staffing model across the Greater Glasgow team.

But recruitment on its own isn’t enough. It has to be sustained by new stewards who are properly trained and supported to undertake bargaining and representation. There was significant progress in recruiting new stewards together with a range of innovative training. The final part of the jigsaw is relevant campaigning and better communication. Members join and actively participate in their union when we are campaigning on the issues that matter to them and communicate in a language they understand. Again there were good examples of this in Glasgow last year.

Given the scale of job losses planned in Scottish local government and health, 2010 is going to be much more difficult. However, there will be no shortage of issues to organise around.