From the national to the local

Yesterday, I was speaking at the book launch of 'A New Scotland: Building an Equal, Fair and Sustainable Society'. I have previously written about the themes in the book, which I picked up in my Afterword. These go beyond traditional economic thinking to include inequality, public services, and economic and political governance. While there is plenty of challenging analysis, there is also optimism that a better Scotland is possible.

My substantive contribution to the book was on local economics. There is plenty of commentary on macroeconomic policy in Scotland, not least within the confines of our interminable constitutional debate. However, there is far less analysis of how our over-centralised political and economic governance undermines the local economy. 

One of the issues I cover is the importance of ownership. This is a crucial issue with Community Wealth Building because local ownership is less likely to bolt when the cold economic winds blow. This week the Herald, in conjunction with The Ferret, ran a timely series of articles on ownership in Scotland. 

Their research looked at 23 major shopping centres in Glasgow, Edinburgh, Dundee, Aberdeen, Inverness, Perth, Stirling and Dunfermline, excluding retail parks. They found 18 involved ownership structures that made some use of companies registered to tax havens. In other words, more than three out of four of Scotland's largest city shopping centres are owned in or linked to tax havens. Tax dodging deprives governments of tax revenues, increases inequalities and undermines smaller and domestic businesses. As Paul Sweeney MSP said, “The levels of influence held by these multinational organisations is as unsustainable as it is unbelievable. For years, city centres and high streets have been left chasing their tails because large shopping centres have had carte-blanche to reconfigure the very fabric of our major cities.”

This isn’t just an issue for the retail sector. While the majority of cultural assets in Scotland’s cities remain in the hands of local councils and charities, others are not. These include venues such as the Edinburgh Playhouse, King Tut’s Wah Wah Hut, and Glasgow’s King’s Theatre, owned by global companies with links to offshore tax havens. In addition, cinemas and theatres are at risk of being taken over by tax haven-linked private equity companies.

The research also found that Scotland’s three largest airports and some major sea ports are linked to offshore entities and that a firm building Scotland’s digital infrastructure is ultimately owned by a private equity fund. One of the firms building broadband services across Scotland is backed by a state-owned Emirati company, which invested in an Israeli firm behind controversial spyware called Pegasus. The spyware is alleged to have been deployed by foreign governments against dissidents, journalists, diplomats and members of the clergy.

The Scottish Government has a welcome commitment to a 'wellbeing economy' and supports, in principle, Community Wealth Building. However, if this is to be more than just another glossy document full of ambition, it must be backed up by action. As IPPR Scotland puts it, “The Scottish Government has a stated ambition to create a ‘wellbeing economy’, built on inclusive growth and community wealth building. That needs to see wealth not just being created in our local economies but retained there, too.”

In the book, I highlight the local initiatives that could help to regenerate our town centres and High Streets. These include creating spaces for small businesses and cooperatives and 20-minute neighbourhoods that promote a circular economy. And most importantly, investing in the social infrastructure, like libraries and leisure facilities, which binds our communities together. All of these actions can be delivered under devolved powers. A better Scotland recognises that not all the solutions to our challenges can be dictated from the centre. They must be developed and organised from communities of interest and place because ownership matters.

Action on health inequalities

As the UK and Scottish Governments start the process towards another round of Austerity, we need to remember the impact this will have on health inequalities. Those in Scotland’s most deprived areas are 3.9 times more likely to die from an avoidable death than those in the least deprived areas. The leading causes of avoidable deaths were cancers, circulatory system diseases and alcohol and drug-related issues, and Covid-19. In addition, life expectancy in Scotland has been two years lower than in other UK countries for decades.

Mortality rates in higher-income countries have steadily improved for more than a century. However, these improvements started to stall after the last round of Austerity in 2012, actually increasing in the most deprived areas. In 2019, the UK ranked 24th in the OECD in life expectancy, behind all other English-speaking countries (except the US) and nearly all countries of Western Europe.

These trends were noticeable before the pandemic, which has exacerbated them, but there has been no return to pre-pandemic levels. As a GCPH/University of Glasgow report highlighted, ‘there has been a stalling of improvement overall, accompanied by increasing death rates among large sections of the population living in more socioeconomically deprived areas. This is hugely worrying. Put simply, we should not see such trends in a wealthy society such as the UK.’ Austerity is evidenced as making an important and substantial contribution to these trends.

While drug-related deaths, in Scotland in particular, are an important factor, they are not the sole or majority contributor to stalled mortality trends. Changes in rates can be observed even when drug-related deaths are excluded, and the increase in drug-related deaths is likely to have been partly caused by the same underlying factors associated with the overall mortality changes.

An independent review by the Health Foundation found large and sometimes widening health inequalities among children living in Scotland’s most and least deprived communities. They found that by 2016-18, infant mortality was 2.6 times higher for babies born to women in the most deprived areas compared to those of the least deprived, compared to a difference of 1.8 times in 2000-02. A key issue is obesity, which by 2019/20, was around 6% among the least deprived five-year-olds compared to roughly 13% in the most deprived. In 2001/2 there was no gap. This will not be resolved simply by targeting behaviours because there is no difference in physical activity by deprivation. There are differences in diet, and a healthy balanced diet is considerably more expensive calorie for calorie and therefore increasingly inaccessible to those on the lowest incomes.

Child poverty has long-term implications. People who experience deprivation as children are more likely to choose to do things that, although pleasurable in the short term, are unhealthy in the long run. This includes overeating, taking drugs, smoking cigarettes and gambling. This can help to explain why some people go on to become addicts while other people can avoid some of the more harmful effects of drugs and alcohol.

Politicians are failing to address the underlying causes of inequality. In Scotland, we have plenty of analysis but limited action. Audit Scotland recently reported that ‘the Scottish Government has not yet demonstrated a clear shift to preventing child poverty.’ Others, like Suella Braverman, seek to cover it up by focusing on immigration. Public anger at a lack of affordable housing and secure work, declining living standards and austerity has been redirected at the caricatured foreigner. Instead, we should be focusing on the economy and public services with actions such as those suggested in the GCPH report, including:

• Changing the economic structures that lead to immense wealth and income inequalities.

• Increase all benefits and tax credits in line with inflation every year, and put in place a one-off increase now to compensate for the loss of real income since 2010. Using devolved fiscal powers to top up reserved benefits and reverse UK cuts. Create new devolved benefits and increase existing benefits to support those in low-income households.

• Improve the availability of ‘good work’ by increasing in-work benefits, strengthening trade unions, minimising health and safety risks and increasing the statutory living wage to the Real Living Wage.

• Address tax evasion and avoidance and increase taxation of wealth, assets and corporate profits.

• Increase public sector funding for preventative services, and reinstate cuts in public services, particularly local government.

• Eliminate fuel poverty through action on housing insulation and heating and grow a social rented housing sector that is accessible, affordable and provides secure tenancies.

More than ten years ago, the visionary Christie Commission highlighted the impact of inequalities on the economy and our public services. They recommended more collaborative working, preventative spending, and building services around people and communities. Sadly, we see greater centralisation, silo working and little preventative spending. So, it was good to see the recent report of the Scottish Parliament’s Health Committee on health inequalities reference the report. What we now need is some focus on delivering its recommendations. Tackling health inequalities should be the priority of all governments.

 

I have always imagined that paradise will be a kind of library

 This is one of my favourite quotes about libraries, written by the Argentinian writer Jorge Luis Borges. It seems particularly appropriate during Libraries Week. Coincidentally, I contributed to a pan-European study this week on libraries, highlighting some of the challenges facing the public library service in Scotland and the UK.

I am very fortunate to own several thousand books in what I call my library and a frequent target for my wife's decluttering initiatives! However, it isn't a library. It is a collection of books, even if they are carefully organised and entered into a database. A public library is much more than a collection of books, more than a service; it is an integral part of the community. What I called in my Reid Foundation paper, Building Stronger Communities, social infrastructure.

Despite my 'significant' collection of books, I am a member of the British Library, the National Library of Scotland, the Mitchell Library in Glasgow, and arguably most importantly, my local library. I am not keen on the saying 'use it or lose it', although I understand the importance of demonstrating community support for public services. I always have a book on loan because even in my small local library, I can find a book that I wouldn't have bought, which stretches my thinking into new fields.

Under the Public Libraries Consolidation (Scotland) Act, as amended in schedule 21 of the Local Government (Scotland) Act 1973, local authorities in Scotland have a statutory duty to provide "adequate library facilities" for all residents in their area. The problem is that 'adequate' is not defined. I recall seeking counsel's opinion on a possible legal challenge some years ago, only to be told that the test could probably be met by one public library in the local authority area. There are some local acts on libraries, but they are no more substantial. Several local authorities have also outsourced their libraries to culture trusts, further blurring the statutory duty.

Like other local government services, libraries are under financial pressure. 83 public libraries have closed in Scotland since 2009/10, with spending cut by 30 per cent over the same period. This is despite yearly visitor numbers increasing by over 40 per cent. Many more libraries have cut their opening hours and reduced staff. Around 20% (700+) of all public libraries in the UK have no professional staff. They are spun as 'volunteer led', a euphemism for blackmailing communities into running libraries under the threat of closure. 

There has been a welcome move towards abolishing library book fines, although the data is limited. Glasgow Life has recently done this, arguing that it reflects a growing global movement to abolish late book fines, recognised as a barrier to participation, particularly for families from low-income households. A progressive move after they controversially closed several libraries, later reopened after great community campaigns.

The importance of professional staff is reflected in the wide range of services and activities in our libraries. It also provides an objective voice in selecting books and other resources. I am sure there would be no shortage of well-meaning middle-class people in my town who would be prepared to help run the library. However, they would have little idea of the wider community's needs. This is becoming a genuine concern in the USA as books are banned because some ideologue doesn't like the content. My experience as a UNISON official was that librarians made fearsome negotiators, always well prepared. A skill that even Donald Trump is discovering as he faces legal action for keeping files from US government librarians. I am also in awe of the work being done by "Crazy Ukrainian librarians" in the most difficult of circumstances.

The broader value of public libraries as a community resource is being recognised in the concept of 'warm banks' in response to the energy crisis. Librarians have always recognised this well before the current crisis. The consumer champion Martin Lewis has commissioned a best practice guide on this. A recent survey showed that 60% are actively considering participating in a "warm bank" scheme, offering heat and shelter to vulnerable people, as another way to help during the cost of living crisis.

In England, Baroness Elizabeth Sanderson has been appointed by the UK Government to help develop a new strategy to ensure public libraries provide the best possible service for their communities. There have been some understandably cynical responses to this initiative, but we will see. Almost one in five (18.6%) children in England between the ages of five and eight do not have access to books at home. Authors and publishers have urged the new prime minister to abolish "the last remaining tax on reading", and ensure schools have funding for author visits and invest in libraries.

So, please use Libraries Week to show your support for a vital public service. And challenge your elected representatives to strengthen the statutory duty, employ more library staff, invest in resources and keep our libraries open.

Governing With Purpose - a guide for charity trustees

 As someone who works with and serves on several third-sector boards, I have sometimes wondered why anyone does this. External criticism and internal squabbling are not unknown, and thanks are not always forthcoming. Moreover, when personal time has rarely been so squeezed, it isn't easy to get people to volunteer for this role, even if around a million people in the UK have risen to the challenge. Larger charities provide training when you become a trustee, but it can be limited for smaller ones, leaving the new trustee slightly overwhelmed.

In this context, a new book about governance in the charity sector should be welcomed. Brian Cavanagh, who has extensive experience in the public and third sectors, has written Governing with Purpose: How to lead a brilliant board – a guide for charity trustees. This is not a subject exactly brimming with previous publications. There are plenty of corporate governance books, but few focus on the charity sector.

Like Brian, I have seen examples of good governance and, sadly, some pretty poor ones. Charities have collapsed due to poor governance, and others grind on with little regard for their founding purpose. As many charities have become providers of services paid by the state, they sometimes lose their cutting edge as advocates for change, believing that they must acquiesce to government policy. It is not unheard of for a charity Chair or CEO to get a phone call from a Scottish Government minister after public criticism. As Jenny Starling said in an Open Democracy piece yesterday, 'Too fixated on doing ‘good’ and being polite, charities have stopped fighting for social justice.’

The book starts with first principles. What is good governance, and why it matters. Focusing on the big picture, vision, values and strategy rather than the minutiae of day-to-day operations. I have mentored a few senior staff in charities from other sectors, who have been surprised at the level of detail board members wanted to engage in. On the other hand, I have seen boards that nod through whatever is presented to them. Brian uses the concept of governing with purpose to suggest a different approach. He promotes the idea of governance as leadership, graphically portraying the interconnectedness as the governance square. 

This isn't just a theoretical concept. He goes on to give practical examples of how to develop good governance. The regulatory framework is not forgotten either. Something that could be stronger in Scotland. The chapter on strategy versus scrutiny is also helpful.

There are chapters on the roles of the Chair and CEO and the importance of the relationship between them. Again, in my experience, that can range between acquiescence and micro-management. I recently supported one charity when the Chair said, 'I could do her job better.' She might well have, but that was missing the point. This book has some good advice for both parties in this relationship and practical tips on how to Chair a meeting and related duties. Getting the board to focus on the 'why' of the charity is good advice.

The final section of the book is entitled ‘Re-imagining purpose’. As Brian puts it, ‘It includes bringing energy and dynamism to drive the charity forward. It is also about ensuring the ethos and purpose are not just words, but are put into practice, across the board and the rest of the charity.’ This includes stating uncomfortable truths, particularly when there needs to be alignment between what the organisation says it stands for and how it puts that into practice. The strength of trustees is that they can bring a diverse range of lived experience and expertise to the role. The final chapter in this section highlights the importance of recruitment, succession planning and board renewal. We can probably all think of the board member, or Chair, who has been there too long and recruits more people like them.

I found very little in this book that I disagreed with, and I tried! You might find some concepts a bit theoretical, but they are backed up with practical examples. Hopefully, it will spur some focus on governance in these difficult times for the sector. Unfortunately, I noticed the Scottish Government-backed 'Good Governance Award' had attracted very few takers.

For all the sage advice in this book, we should remember that being a trustee on a board should also be an enjoyable and rewarding experience. This book should help you achieve that goal and do some good on the way.

Tackling drug deaths - Scotland's national disgrace

Scotland's drug-related death statistics are a national disgrace. In 2021, 1,330 people in Scotland died due to a drug overdose. That was more than three times the rate of the rest of the UK and the highest in Europe. As the chart below shows, this isn't a new problem.

This month I was looking at drugs policy when drafting a response to Paul Sweeney MSP's proposal for a Drug Death Prevention Bill. This will enable the establishment of overdose prevention centres, including establishing a licensing framework for centres to prevent death due to drug overdose; and create a new body for the oversight of drug policy development and implementation to improve health by preventing and reducing drug use, harm and related death. He argues that preventable death due to drug overdose has become one of Scotland's major public health emergencies. Urgent practical action is required to address this health crisis, and this Bill is intended to be part of the solution, one contribution to a multi-faceted effort to tackle the problem.

Drug use is inextricably linked to poverty; it is not simply a 'lifestyle choice'. People living in the most deprived communities in Scotland are around 18 times more likely to experience problem drug use compared to people in the least deprived communities. As the Poverty Alliance argues, "That means redesigning our economy so that people are able to access decent work, and investing in our social security system and public services, so that people have the income they need to live in dignity and security."

The Scottish Drugs Death Taskforce has called for more resources to be spent fighting Scotland's drug-related deaths problem after calling current resource levels "woefully inadequate". Their report (21 July 2022) outlines ten key principles and 20 recommendations underpinned by 139 actions. These call for greater funding, efforts to tackle the stigma of drug addiction, and a higher degree of responsibility for drug-related deaths in both health boards and Scottish and UK governments. The report states, "The First Minister has publicly recognised that her government 'took their eye off the ball'. The question now is whether the government will provide targeted funding to enable services to deliver transformational change – not a return to the funding of the past, but an ambitious and radical commitment to making people's lives better."

While there is a case to review the UK Misuse of Drugs Act and for devolving the legislation, we must focus on what we can do in Scotland using devolved powers. As the former head of Scotland's drug deaths taskforce (Professor Catriona Morrison) has said, Scottish Government ministers should stop blaming Westminster legislation for the high number of people dying through drug misuse and focus on what can be done to address the problem. 

Scottish Government cuts in funding for Alcohol and Drug Partnerships in 2015 resulted from the pervasive stigma and the demonisation of people with a drug problem. Cutting  £15 million of funding for the most marginalised and vulnerable people in Scotland is a classic example of ignoring the benefits of preventative spending as recommended by the Christie Commission. Scotland's drug strategy should focus first on keeping people alive, but we also need to help not just to stabilise their drug use but get help with the wider aspects of people's lives.

Paul Sweeney's Bill is not a 'magic solution' but could help as part of a range of measures. Drug consumption facilities have been introduced in at least 14 countries across more than 130 sites. They provide a safe environment for the most vulnerable to use drugs under the supervision of trained professionals. A study in The Lancet shows fatal overdoses decreased in areas where overdose prevention centres were introduced alongside other beneficial outcomes, including reductions in self-reported high-risk injecting practices and increased engagement with drug treatment services. They may also help reduce drug use in public places.

This Bill will provide a necessary focus on the drug crisis that has sadly been missing in recent years. It also focuses on what we can do now, in Scotland, to address these issues - always recognising that the drugs crisis is part of wider inequalities in Scotland that also need to be tackled.

Lessons learned from the pandemic for social care

I was in Stockholm this week speaking at a workshop looking at Europe-wide experiences of the pandemic on social care. The On the corona frontline – Lessons learned, promises broken? event was hosted by Kommunal (UNISON’s sister union), Arena idé and the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung. It was a follow-up to the paper they published last year, and I wrote the Scotland paper in the series.

As the BBC reported just this week, increased demand and staff shortages mean at-home and care home services across Scotland are overstretched. But unfortunately, the pandemic isn't over, and social care challenges haven't gone away. This was reflected in all the presentations from across Europe at the workshop.

This was the case for our hosts in Sweden, which pre-pandemic had an undervalued, high turnover workforce and health and care that is not integrated. There is a mixed economy of care, although much less private sector involvement than in Scotland - there are 290 councils in Sweden! Their COVID-19 Inquiry has already reported and highlighted structural shortcomings in residential care, including staff training, sick pay (80% of salary after the first day), and precarious employment. However, in terms of action, it is business as usual, although they are hopeful of new legislation soon.

In Norway, social and primary health care is a local government responsibility, and only 10% of providers are in the private or charity sector. Moves to rationalise the numbers of councils (over 400) have been halted. They generally have good conditions, including full sick pay for one year, thanks to strict employment legislation and a strong union movement. However, they have skill shortages and had similar pandemic issues as us over infection control, PPE and testing. Overall, they appear to have managed the pandemic better than most.

My colleague in England described similar issues to Scotland, with all the previous challenges exacerbated by the pandemic. Staff shortages are getting worse and not helped by Brexit, with increased use of expensive agency staff. A significant increase in unpaid carers has taken more workers out of the economy.

Spain has a decentralised care system to the regional level and a mixed economy of care, with 70% of care homes in the private sector. As in Scotland, the pandemic hit bigger care homes harder, and the lack of official data makes analysis difficult. A Dependency Shock Plan has been agreed upon with the government and the unions to reform the long-term care system, including accreditation of residential homes, raising workforce standards, more funding and integration of health and care. However, structural implementation has been slow, while some workforce changes like reducing precarious work have made progress.

Portugal's system is similar to Spain's, with similar data issues. There is considerable reliance on families who get little financial or other support. When the family 'fails', institutions (often the church and charities) may step in, although state support meets less than 40% of residential costs. This has led to a growth in unlicensed nursing homes, which are often small (less than 20 beds) due to regulation thresholds. Their demographic challenges are even worse than Scotland's, leading to skill shortages. There is minimal social care and health integration and little unionisation, leaving most workers at minimum wage levels.

In Germany, the private insurance system couldn’t cope with the costs of the pandemic, so the government stepped in. There is now a debate around how the system should change with less privatisation. Residential care costs are doubling, partly because wages have increased by a third – raising the legal collective agreement in long-term care, with better leave and other conditions. However, church institutions (major care providers) are exempt from collective agreement laws. Mandatory staffing levels are increasing while the workforce is ageing, with 500,000 retiring in the next ten years.  

My presentation reflected the Scotland paper I wrote last year. I explained how social care is funded and organised in Scotland, focusing on the workforce and employment standards. I emphasised that Scotland faced significant challenges in delivering social care before the pandemic. Not least an ageing population, budget cuts and limited workforce planning. The pandemic highlighted these challenges and created some new ones. The transfer of untested patients from hospitals to care homes resulted in half the first wave of deaths being in care homes. Home care packages were abandoned or reduced, causing further excess deaths. For the workforce, there was poor PPE, and they were not routinely tested for four months. 

I outlined how trade unions had responded to the organising challenges with greater use of social media. Important campaigns on paying the Scottish Living Wage, sick pay, death benefits, COVID tests, better PPE and access to the vaccine demonstrated the importance of trade unions to the workforce. At this stage of the pandemic, it is essential that these lessons are incorporated, along with tackling the workforce shortages. Finally, I explained the proposed reforms to social care around a National Care Service, although delivery is still some way off. Therefore, there is a need to focus on a new workforce strategy, funding recovery plans and strengthening communities being undermined by council cuts. 

The Scottish COVID-19 Inquiry needs to examine the lack of preparedness and why the lessons learned from pre-pandemic exercises were not fully implemented. It also needs to consider the broader structural and systemic issues in relation to patterns of disadvantage and inequality as well as care system capacity and capability. The research papers prepared for the Scottish COVID-19 Inquiry are worth a read. 

A paper is being prepared after this event and that should contribute to that Inquiry. The pandemic highlighted similar issues across Europe. Poor preparedness, inadequate funding, and an undervalued workforce existed before the pandemic. The pandemic highlighted these issues and made them worse. We need to learn the lessons and take urgent action.

A New Scotland

In the book, A New Scotland, leading activists and academics lay out the blueprints for radical reform, showing how society can be transformed by embedding values of democracy, social justice and environmental sustainability into a coherent set of policy ideas.

This is not a conventional book on economic policy. The first theme that struck me is the breadth of the factors that make up the nation's wealth. When I first studied economics, we were taught a range of formulas that calculated everything from a nation's output to the money supply. In this book, the contributors demonstrate that the wealth of a nation depends on much more than mathematical calculations. 

More than anything else, it is inequality that holds back our economy. Equal societies do better on almost every measurement. Then we have arguably the most significant challenge facing our society, environmental and climate justice. This also reminds us that we live in an interconnected world, which involves action beyond our borders. Some chapters cover subjects that are not traditional economic concerns yet are essential to a functioning economy. These include housing, education, transport, land, health and decent work. Land ownership is a particularly Scottish concern, with a disproportionate share held in the hands of very few individuals and bodies. 

Then there are chapters on the structural factors that undermine our economy. These include the need for economic democracy that challenges the elite domination of wealth and economic decision-making. As well as addressing the weak forms of political governance. Several contributors highlight the development of a highly educated, socially unrepresentative professional-managerial class, which has banished all talk of ʻcapitalismʼ, ʻclassʼ and ‘exploitation’ as obsolete - leaving little appetite amongst the political elites for change. Chapters on culture, human rights, race and gender also point to complacency in what we like to think of as Radical Scotland. 

The second big theme for me is that a better Scotland is possible. If the analysis might depress us, the possibilities are also there in buckets, from a new approach to bottom-up public ownership and investment in worker-owned business to individual economic rights, public participation and deliberation of the economy itself. This wouldn't be a book about Scotland without referencing our national obsession, constitutional change, and the authors hold a range of views on this issue. Whatever constitutional path is taken, Scotland will remain embedded in a complex web of economic relationships across these islands, Europe and the world. 

My chapter moves away from traditional macroeconomics to focus on the local economy. Scotland has one of the democratic world's most centralised forms of government and one of the least 'local' local democracies. Economic development in Scotland has focused on attracting inward investment. This has resulted in the wealth generated by workers, local people, and businesses being extracted by often distant shareholders as profits and dividends in our communities of place. These firms are often the first to flee when the economic cycle shifts. Community Wealth Building seeks to address this by encouraging plural ownership of the local economy, increasing investment using fair employment, progressive procurement and the socially just use of land and property. 

I also argue that outsourcing of public services has fragmented delivery and extracted wealth from communities. I make a case for the collective provision of a wide range of local services based on plural forms of democratised and decentralised common ownership. The cooperative movement and other forms of community ownership could also play a much larger role in regenerating the local economy. The problems facing our high streets and town centres will not go away after the pandemic. Consequently, we need to rethink our town centres as places where people live and work, not just shop. This should include a level playing field on taxation. I listened to an interesting IFS debate last night about an Online Sales Tax to offset the business rates for high street retailers. There are always challenges in implementing a new tax, but this issue needs to be tackled now.

This book highlights some challenges for traditional thinking on the left in Scotland. We should be proud of our radical history while applying the lessons to a Scotland in thrall to a neo-liberal economic orthodoxy with weak governance systems. The solutions cannot be dictated from the top; they must be developed and organised from communities of interest and place. This book offers a different vision for Scotland and signposts new approaches to our enduring challenges.